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2010 elections reinforce Cojuangco control of Tarlac


Part 3 of a 3-part series on political clansSome have argued that like his mother, Noynoy Aquino is an accidental president, called to run after the public outpouring of emotion that accompanied the death of his mother, former president Cory Aquino, nearly one year ago. But the second President Aquino is also the scion of a rich and powerful clan, one of the nation's most prolific producers of political leaders. Once Noynoy declared his candidacy, the combined networks and resources of the Aquino and Cojuangco families were mobilized to ensure his landslide victory. In that sense, there was nothing accidental about his election. Both sides of Noynoy's family have been active in politics for decades. In fact, the Aquinos, Cojuangcos and their relatives with different last names have been lording over their home province of Tarlac for as long as most residents there can remember. An Aquino or Cojuangco has always occupied major posts in the province at some point, either as governor or congressman. And now for the second time in 24 years, their clan has assumed the presidency. In the next three years, two of the three congressional districts of Tarlac will be represented by the President's relatives: his uncle Enrique Cojuangco (First District) and cousin Jeci Aquino Lapus (Third District). The Second District congressional seat, previously held by Aquino from 1998 to 2007, will be occupied by Susan Yap-Sulit until 2013. Of the many posts they have occupied, the favorite appears to be the First District congressional post. By 2013, the Cojuangcos would have held that post for 35 straight years. Former Tarlac First District Rep. Monica Louise Prieto-Teodoro, wife of Gilberto Cojuangco Teodoro, did not seek reelection last May. However, the post still went to a Cojuangco - her uncle-in-law, Ginebra San Miguel Corp. vice chairman Enrique "Henry" Cojuangco. Henry is a brother of SMC chairman and CEO Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco, himself a former congressman of the district. The Cojuangco brothers are uncles of Gilberto, former defense secretary and defeated presidential bet. He also held the same congressional post for three terms. Henry, Danding, and Teodoro's mother, former Tarlac Assemblywoman Mercedes Cojuangco-Teodoro, are first cousins of the late President Corazon Aquino, the incumbent president's mother. In recent years, the Cojuangcos have expanded their political turf: from Tarlac to nearby Pangasinan to as far as Negros Occidental in the Visayas. The results of the May elections show that voters approve of them. The Cojuangco-Aquino clan thus has three members sitting in the 15th Congress: Henry Cojuangco and Jeci Aquino Lapus (both from Tarlac), and Carmen Cojuangco (Pangasinan's Fifth District). Carmen is the wife of former congressman Marcos "Mark" Cojuangco (also from the Fifth District of Pangasinan), who happens to be Danding's son. The Cojuangco-Aquino clan is just one of the political families in the Philippines whose firm and long-running control of a province was extended by the May elections. GMA News Research defines members of political families as those with at least two members in government (past or incumbent/elected or appointed posts). At least 121 families have ruled over a specific elective post, uninterrupted, for more than a decade, and some even close to half a century. In the 15th Congress, 71 (updated: 74) percent (or 7 out of 10) of the district congressmen are from political families, perhaps explaining why 23 years after the 1987 constitutional ban on dynasties, Congress still has not passed the enabling legislation. Forty-five congressional posts will be controlled by political families for more than a decade by 2013. At the other end, some 14 families who had held a post continuously for more than a decade, ranging from 11 to 32 years, relinquished their reign on June 30. Many of them found themselves out of power, at least for the next three years. Unbroken Reign No other clan comes close to the Payumos of Bataan in terms of an unbroken hold over a post. By 2013, the Payumos would have held power over the mayoralty post of Dinalupihan, Bataan by almost half a century, 49 straight years since 1964. The 49 years do not even include the reign of Jose Payumo Sr., who was mayor from 1945 to 1948. According to the Dinalupihan government website, Payumo Sr.'s son and namesake, Jose Payumo Jr., ruled the municipality for 22 years, from 1964 until his assassination in 1986. Following Payumo Jr.'s death, President Cory Aquino appointed as mayor his wife Lucila, who was later elected to the post in 1988, and again in 1992. The Payumo couple's eldest child, Jose Alejandre Payumo III, succeeded his mother in 1995 and went on to serve three full terms until 2004. Another son, Joel Jaime Payumo, took over the post and won his third term last May. Most of the ruling families seem to have zoomed in on the mayor's seat as the "preferred" seat of power. Sixty-four of the families with unbroken rule have held at least one mayoral post in their respective territories for more than a decade. Forty-five families have had control of certain congressional seats for at least 10 years. At least nine families rule gubernatorial posts while three hold senatorial posts. (see table below)
Fifty-three families will have controlled a post for more than a decade when their fresh three-year term ends. (see table below)
Areas with most number of long-reigning political families Ilocos Sur is the province with the most number of long-reigning political clans — nine. Ilocos Norte and Pangasinan are next with eight families each. Cebu (including Cebu City) and Davao del Sur (including Davao City) are tied with five families each. La Union, Leyte and Rizal each have four families who have ruled for decades. Metro Manila has seven. Political families ruling for more than 30 years At least six families, including the Cojuangcos, will rule uninterrupted for more than 30 years at the end of their fresh mandate. All of them are based in Luzon. (see table below)
Belonging to this elite circle is the powerful Ortega clan of La Union, whose members have held a tight grip on the congressional post in the First District for 35 uninterrupted years up to 2013. In total, the Ortegas have held the post for 55 years since the 1930s. Re-electionist Victor Francisco Ortega won a second term in May. He ran unopposed. In Isabela's First District, former congressman Rodolfo Albano Jr. returns to the House of Representative, succeeding his son, Rodolfo III. Members of the family have held the post for 35 years. With his win, Rodolfo Jr. will have held the post for a total of 28 of those 35 years. Three families lording over mayoral posts in northern Luzon complete the list of six families who have reigned for more than 30 years. By 2013, the Gironella family will have kept the mayoralty post in Salcedo (Baugen), a fourth-class municipality in Ilocos Sur, for 34 straight years. The Purisima family has been holding the mayoral post in the fifth-class municipality of San Ildefonso, also in Ilocos Sur, for an uninterrupted 33 years up to 2013. Members of the Mamba clan took turns in ruling Tuao, a first-class municipality in Cagayan. Their reign will last 32 years up to 2013. Ruling for two decades At least 61 clans ruled or will have ruled for more than 20 years over a specific post by 2013. (see table below)
This list comprises 35 mayors, 23 congressmen, two governors and a senator. Leading this group are the Durano family ( fifth congressional district post of Cebu); the Escudero family ( first congressional district of Sorsogon), and the Zubiri clan ( third congressional district of Bukidnon). All three political clans will have ruled for 29 straight years by 2013. Among the prominent families who held or will hold mayoral posts uninterrupted for at least 20 years are the Binays of Makati City (27 years), Dimacuha of Batangas City (25 years), Estrada of San Juan City (21 years), Eusebio of Pasig City (21 years) and Hagedorn of Puerto Princesa City (21 years). Only two governors made the cut: the Dimaporo clan of Lanao del Norte and the Ynares family of Rizal. Both families will have ruled for 21 straight years by 2013. The Revilla clan is the only political family to have maintained a seat in the Senate for 24 years by 2016. Ramon Revilla Sr. was senator from 1992 to 2004; his son Ramon Bong Revilla Jr. was elected to the post in 2004 and garnered the highest number of votes in the recently concluded May election. Ruling for a decade A total of 53 political families will have ruled for as long as 12 to 18 years by the time their new three-year term ends in 2013. The clans who have ruled for more than a decade include 25 mayors, 19 district representatives, seven governors and two senators.
Among the families who will control mayoralty posts for 12 years or more are the Pinedas of Lubao, Pampanga (18 years), the Aguilars of Las Piñas City (18 years), the Tiangcos of Navotas City (15 years), the Fariñases of Laoag City, Ilocos Norte (15 years) and the Dutertes of Davao City (12 years). Notable among the families who will hold congressional posts for at least a decade are the Angaras (Aurora Lone District, 18 years); the Jalosjoses (Zamboanga del Norte First District, 18 years); the Marcoses (Ilocos Norte Second District, 15 years), the Biazons (Muntinlupa City Lone District, 12 years), the De Venecias (Pangasinan Fourth District, 12 years), and the Nograleses (Davao City First District, 12 years). The seven families who will have ruled gubernatorial posts for more than a decade are the Amantes (Agusan del Norte), Garcias (Cebu), Villafuertes (Camarines Sur), Akbars (Basilan), Lees (Sorsogon), Navas (Guimaras), and Dazas (Northern Samar). Two families have kept a seat in the Senate for more than a decade. There have been Cayetanos in the Senate from 1998 to 2016 or a total of 18 years. The Estrada clan has senators from 2001 until 2016 or 15 years. Mastering the political market There are a number of possible explanations for the uninterrupted reign of these clans, said Associate Professor Simeon Ilago, director of the Center for Local and Regional Governance of UP's National College of Public Administration and Governance. "One is that the number of years of ascendancy would have given them enough chance to master the political market — to understand how their voters think and to understand the makeup of their voting areas," Ilago said. Given their many years in power, these political clans have had a firm understanding of "the art of political relationships" both at the national and provincial levels, he said. "Their years in power would enable some political clans to refine their system of patronage, especially in the areas where information, access to economic resources and literacy or educational levels may be wanting," Ilago said. Ilago noted that a credible and organized opposition could not be established in certain areas because of the well-entrenched clan's political, economic and even armed dominance. Still, in some areas, "whether we like it or not, they (political clans) have been able to perform for their constituents and deliver the services that the people need. Some in fact admit that they are indeed political dynasties, but they are effective and good political dynasties," Ilago said. End game "But political dominance also ends, it is part of the ebb and flow of politics," Ilago added. At least 14 long-ruling political families left their favorite posts after ruling for more than a decade. (see table) Most of these families suddenly found themselves out of power — at least for the next three years.
Four of these families opted to leave the post. Then-Cebu City Second District Rep. Antonio Cuenco, on his third and last term, bade goodbye to his political career last year after he was appointed ambassador to Italy. After 29 years, the post went to a member of another political family — Tomas Osmeña, who just finished his stint as Cebu City mayor. The Ramiros ruled the congressional post in Misamis Occidental's Second District for 23 years. On June 30, Rep. Herminia Ramiro traded posts with Misamis Occidental Gov. Loreto Leo Ocampos. The Ramiros did not field a candidate for their long-held post. The Fernando couple who occupied Marikina City Hall for 18 years as mayor did not field a replacement during the May elections. Former Marikina City Mayor and Metro Manila Development Authority chairman Bayani Fernando originally intended to run for President but settled for the vice-presidency in the May polls. He placed fourth out of eight candidates. His wife Maria Lourdes ended her third and last term last May. The candidate they anointed as successor, then incumbent Vice Mayor Marion Andres, lost to the then incumbent Second District Rep. Del de Guzman. The Jala clan relinquished the post of Bohol Third District representative to President Arroyo's Agriculture Secretary Arthur Yap after 12 years in power. Reports allege that the clan had planned to field a candidate for the May polls but was prevailed upon by Arroyo herself, who subsequently appointed patriarch Eladio Jala as Securities and Exchange Commission commissioner on November 23, 2009. Losing grip It was a sad year for 10 families, as the May 10 elections put them out of power. Their downfall was a combination of factors. At least five lost to a rival political clan. Arroyo's Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita failed to regain the family-controlled Batangas First District representative when he lost to Corazon Aquino's Customs Commissioner Tomas Apacible. Then Butuan City Democrito Plaza II's wife, former mayor Leonides Theresa, lost to Ampayon barangay chairman Ferdinand Amante Jr., who is a member of the Amante political clan. Then Maguindanao First District Rep. Didagen Dilangalen lost his reelection bid to Bai Sandra Sema, wife of incumbent Cotabato City Mayor Muslimin Sema. Former Bulacan governor Josefina de la Cruz failed to reclaim the seat that her brother Joselito Mendoza occupied, losing to then Vice Gov. Wilhelmino Sy-Alvarado. Then Masbate Gov. Elisa Kho lost her reelection bid to then Third District Rep. Rizalina Lanete, whose two sons and a nephew also won major local posts in the province. Four lost to a candidate who had occupied a lower government post. Then incumbent Marinduque Lone District Rep. Carmencita Reyes's son, former Rep. Edmundo Reyes, lost to then provincial administrator Lord Allan Jay Velasco. Then Quezon City Third District Rep. Matias Defensor lost his reelection bid to then Councilor Jorge John Banal Jr. Then La Union Second District Rep. Thomas Dumpit Jr. lost his reelection bid to former Agoo mayor Eufranio Eriguel. The Plaza dynasty that controlled the mayoralty post in Butuan City was toppled by a barangay chairman. Two lost to what may be considered equally prominent political figures. Then Iloilo City Lone District Rep. Raul Gonzalez Jr. lost reelection to then incumbent Mayor Jerry Treñas. Alvin Sandoval, who was unseated as Malabon-Navotas Lone District representative in 2009, lost to the incumbent, Josephine Veronique Lacson-Noel. Power and popularity There are many nuances that differentiate one clan from another. Former Marinduque Rep. Edmundo Reyes, whose clan controlled the Lone District congressional post for the last 32 years, faced Velasco, son of Supreme Court Associate Justice Presbitero Velasco. Velasco won by more than 4,107 votes, amid allegations that the Supreme Court justice engaged in partisan politics to boost his son's candidacy. The Reyes family had held a vise-like grip on the post. Rep. Carmencita Reyes held the post from 1987 to 1998. Before that, she served as assemblywoman of Marinduque of the Batasang Pambansa from 1978 to 1986. In 1998, after finishing her third and last term, Carmencita passed the torch to son Edmundo Jr., who finished three terms from 1998 to 2007. Carmencita then took over from 2007 to 2010. The family is not entirely out of power, however: Carmencita is the new governor. The Reyeses are in a league of their own. No other family had its rule broken this year after more than 30 years. Among the families who are out of power are the Ermitas of Batangas, the Defensors of Quezon City and the Gonzalezes of Iloilo City. Certain camps have attributed their defeat to their closeness to President Arroyo. But Professor Ilago said the "Arroyo connection" may not be the only reason for their defeat since these candidates fought in local races. Ilago said former Justice Secretary Gonzalez was up against Treñas, who has built his own network among local mayors in Iloilo. Treñas led an alliance of local government units comprising Metro Iloilo, he said. The Defensor family held the congressional post in Quezon City's Third District for 15 straight years. Then incumbent Matias Defensor lost to incumbent Third District Councilor Banal, who sought a higher post after serving for two terms in the city council. In his website, Banal noted that he garnered the highest number of votes in the May 2007 elections, not only in the Third District but in the entire Quezon City. Ilago said the Defensors, including Matias's son and defeated mayoralty bet Michael Defensor, were up against formidable opponents who knew how to organize and mobilize. Besides, Ilago said the administration of former Mayor Feliciano Belmonte, who supported the winner, performed well. As for Ermita, Ilago said his years as executive secretary may not have helped him sustain local political support. The rivalry between the Ermita and Apacible clans started in 1992, when Eduardo first ran for First District congressman against then incumbent Rep. Conrado Apacible. Eduardo trounced an Apacible in the 1995 and 1998 elections until he finished his third and last term in 2001. In 2001, Eduardo fielded daughter Eileen Ermita-Buhain, who won against Conrado's wife Charito. Eileen ran unopposed in 2004. In 2007, she succeeded in her reelection bid against then Nasugbu Mayor Raymund Apacible. For this year's election, Eduardo substituted for younger daughter Liza Ermita-Abad, who filed her certificate of candidacy in an attempt to replace her sister in the Lower House. Tomas Apacible, carried by the opposition Liberal Party, won by almost 20,000 votes — and 18 years of Ermita domination in the district went down the drain. Signs of weakness Ilago said in certain areas, some candidates managed to assert themselves when they see signs of weakness in the ruling families. "These weaknesses could take many forms—indications of declining wealth, health or loss of the strong leader," Ilago said. In Butuan City, the Plaza family held the mayoralty post since 1992, but reluctantly gave it up this year to Ferdinand Amante, a nephew of incumbent Agusan del Norte Second District Rep. Edelmiro Amante. Amante is a surgeon whose only government track record is being the incumbent barangay chair of Ampayon, the biggest and most populated barangay in Butuan City. He defeated incumbent mayor Democrito Plaza II's wife and former mayor Leonides Theresa Plaza. Amante won by 8,900 votes over Plaza's wife. Democrito II was unbeaten: he served three terms from 1992 to 2001, and from 2004 to 2010. His wife Leonides occupied the seat from 2001 to 2004. While eligible for a third term this year, Democrito II opted to retire from politics, owing to an illness, and fielded his wife. Another source said the power and influence of the once-formidable Barbers clan of Surigao del Norte declined after the death of former senator Robert Barbers in 2005. The family's nine-year reign over the Surigao del Norte gubernatorial post ended this year. Barbers's three sons lost during the elections. Ilago noted that some candidates who defeated members of established political families believe that their victory arose from the desire of the voting public for new faces, maybe because "some of (these ruling) clans neglected their territories and simply benefited for themselves." Other clans who lost also fielded candidates who were "a bit raw" compared to the competition, Ilago said. There are also formidable challengers like boxing champ Manny Pacquiao, who ended the Chiongbian family's nine-year reign in Sarangani's Lone District this year. Ilago said Pacquiao learned from his experience in 2007, when he lost to Darlene Custodio in the battle to represent General Santos City in the House. "There was a lot of goodwill for Manny given his boxing exploits. He was also better organized this time and was willing to match, even top, whatever the Chiongbians were going to give," Ilago said. Meanwhile, local pundits said the defeat of incumbent Maguindanao First District Rep. Didagen Dilangalen is an indication that his constituents favor a separate congressional district for Cotabato City, which is part of his district. Dilangalen's rival, representative-elect Bai Sandra Sema, supports moves to make Cotabato City a separate congressional district. A long list of bills It should be emphasized, however, that when a clan falls, it is more likely that another clan assumes power. Political families endure, despite a provision in the 1987 Constitution prohibiting political dynasties. The Constitution requires an enabling law to carry out this provision but such law has yet to be passed up now. The first bill banning political dynasties was principally authored by then Sen. Teofisto Guingona in the Eighth Congress (1987-92). It could be the first such proposed legislation after the ratification of the 1987 Constitution. The Senate passed the bill but was snubbed at the House. Similar bills had been filed before the Senate and the House in the succeeding congresses. Records from the House Bills and Index Service show that 15 bills prohibiting political dynasties have been filed in the Lower Chamber from the Ninth (1992-95) to the 13th (2004-07) Congresses. Two House bills prohibiting political dynasties were filed in the Ninth Congress, three during the 10th Congress, four in the 11th Congress, three in the 12th Congress and three in the 13th Congress. In the 14th House (July 2007 to July 2010), at least two bills were filed prohibiting the establishment of political dynasties. For the 15th Congress, Bayan Muna plans to refile the old anti-dynasty bill of its former congressman, Satur Ocampo, who finished his third and last term last June. However, the fate of this bill, or any anti-dynasty bill for that matter, lies in the hands of the political family-dominated Lower House, which has been sending similar bills to the archives for years. Of the 229 district representatives in the Lower House, 74 percent or 170 belong to political families. In the Senate, 18 of the 23 are members of political families. Research and reporting by Karen Tiongson-Mayrina with Allan Crispulo Vallarta, GMA News Research; VVP, HS, GMANews.TV