The Maguindanao Massacre, Part 2
The Maguindanao massacre brought to the fore the issue of âwarlodismâ in Muslim Mindanao. Warlordism in the Philippines, especially in Muslim Mindanao, is primarily based on a feudal system that continues to characterize the power relations not only between clans and families but also between the central power (Manila) and the periphery. Warlordism is often associated with two major issues. The first issue involves the control over the machineries of the state that includes the security sectors (PNP and the AFP). The second issue is about lawlessness with impunity. The âwarlordsâ are sort of âsui generisâ â âthe rule of lawâ is understood as the execution of their whims and caprices. The traditional basis of the power of the warlords had been their ancestry to royalty, whether perceived or real. The Datus, in times past, would hold sway over their âsakopâ in a typical feudal structure known in medieval times. In modern times, the power basis of the warlords is no longer measured by the blood ancestry but by the actual âconnectionâ of the warlords to the all powerful Presidency of the Republic. People cite the infamous three âGsâ â guns, goons, and gold â in the making of the warlords. But the sad tragedy is that these three âGsâ are governmentâs âpropertiesâ. Take guns. A local warlord who is properly âconnectedâ would have unlimited access to firearms as the governmentâs courtesy in the fight against insurgency. The second âGâ refers to goons, which have many faces on the ground. Some belong to the Philippine National Police (PNP) while others come from the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). Others also belong to so-called civilian volunteer organizations (CVOs) subsumed under local government units or the Cafgus [Civilian Auxiliary Forces Geographical Units] under the AFP. Again, the âproperâ connection to power in Malacañang spells unlimited access to âgoons,â some of whom incidentally wear uniforms of the stateâs security forces. The third âGâ stands for gold, which also comes in many forms. In many areas in Mindanao, particularly in the ARMM [Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao] where accountability and transparency are almost nil, the internal revenue allocation or IRA is the unlimited source of gold. In other places, drugs and numbers game have, of late, been also lucrative sources of gold. Many actually opine that the war against drugs and illegal gambling is a big joke in this country, particularly in the ARMM, when politicians and law enforcers are perceived to be the real âoperatorsâ. Under the present dispensation, particularly in the ARMM, people speak in whisper of yet another âGâ. That fourth âGâ refers to Gloria or President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. The âunlimitedâ access to this fourth âGâ is the all that distinguishes the small time âwarlordâ to a paramount warlord of a province or a the entire region. In Maguindanao, as in other provinces of the ARMM, the âruleâ over areas or territories is closely linked to families and clans. To cite a few examples, there is the Ampatuan clan that is recognized as the ârulerâ in the former municipality Maganoy that is now subdivided into four municipalities (Aguak, Unsay, Mamasapano, and Hofer). There is the Mangudadatu clan that is a recognized ruler of the former municipality of Buluan in Maguindanao and the Municipalities of Lutuyan and Palembang in Sultan Kudarat or the territories around the Lake of Buluan. The more familiar clans that are similarly situated are the Sinsuats in the former Dinaig, the Matalams in the former Pagalungan, the Midtimbangs in the former Talayan, the Masturas in the former Nuling, and the Tomawis-Aratuc families in the Iranon towns of Barira and Buldon. They are all rulers by rights and blood in their traditional âdomainâ or fiefdom. These ârulersâ enjoy both the authority of traditions (agama and customary law) and the state laws, because they are the âelectedâ local officials in their own domain. The rise of a paramount âwarlordâ does not come often. Usually, the rise and fall of a paramount warlord depended on the whims and caprices of the real paramount LORD that resides along the Pasig River. The Ampatuan clan was able to venture outside their traditional âdomainâ (Maganoy) with the âblessingâ of the paramount LORD in Malacañang. Datu Andal Ampatuan, Sr. was already the ârulerâ of Maganoy during the time of Ferdinand Marcos. President Cory Aquino in 1986 removed him from office and deprived him of access to the security forces of the state after EDSA 1. But in the first election under the 1987 Constitution, Datu Andal Sr. became the undisputed Mayor of Maganoy. His rival, Datu Surab Abutazil, also of the Ampatuan clan, was assassinated in broad daylight in a cafeteria right in the market place of Maganoy. Mayor Andal was charged for the murder of Datu Surab but later the case was dismissed for lack of witnesses. The turning point for the Ampatuan clan happened during the 2001 local elections. With the full support of the PNP and the AFP, Datu Andal had beaten the incumbent Maguindanao Governor and the 1st ARMM Governor, Zacaria Candao. The decision to shift support to Datu Andal was the perception that Gov. Candao was MILF or sympathetic to the MILF. Datu Andal became the âavidâ supporter of President Gloria in her decision to run for the Presidency in 2004. He âdeliveredâ the whole province to Gloria against the more popular Fernando Poe, Jr. This electoral âfeatâ made Datu Andal the new âanointedâ one not only for the province but also for the entire ARMM. It was no accident in 2005, when the Ampatuan made a run for the head âhonchoâ of the ARMM. It was an invitation to the government and President Gloria to shift to a more âmanageable and predictable overseerâ over the ARMM after almost nine years of disarray under the rule of the MNLF (more than five years under Nur Misuari and 3 years under Parouk Hussin). With the ARMM falling into the hands of the Ampatuan clan and under the total patronage of Malacañang, the hold of the clan over the ARMM and Maguindanao has become undisputed. It is a steady and phenomenal rise to almost absolute power. The last known paramount Lord of the Cotabato Empire province was Datu Udtog Matalam in the 50âs and early 60âs. During the 2007 elections, the Ampatuan clan had proven, beyond doubt, their complete control of all government machineries including the Commission on Elections and the security forces in the area by the delivery a 12-0 results in the senatorial slate for the administration. This was also mirrored in the âno contestâ election in the province. From the provincial slate to the municipal slate in 30 towns in Maguindanao out of 32, all the positions were not contested. In the past, the national government was the âcheck and balanceâ vis-a-vis local warlords. The government in Manila made sure that the warlordâs control remains within his family or clan domain. Even during the height of martial law, President Marcos made sure that no one family or clan dominated the whole region. This equation has changed completely during the Presidency of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo following the 2004 national elections. There evolved a sort of symbiosis in the political agenda between the central government and the Ampatuan clan gaining control over the province of Maguindanao and the ARMM. The shifting national politics after the death of President Cory begins to impact the local politics. Malacañang is no longer seen as the power that makes or unmakes local leaders. In fact, this is the first crack in the hold of the Ampatuan clan over the province. This is further exacerbated by the fact that the Sr. Ampatuan CANNOT run anymore for the top post. On the other hand, the Mangudadatu clan is telling the new emerging national leaders that the time has come for new âstewardsâ in the province. New political alliances begin to take shape in the province, when the Mangudadatu clan made known their intention to challenge the younger Ampatuan for the gubernatorial post. These were the actual arrangements in the political chess board when the Massacre occurred in the Province of Maguindanao that fateful morning of the 23rd of November 2009.