Real bottom line

The Framework Agreement between the government of the Philippines (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) is yet another step forward to the realization of the Bangsamoro peoples’ desire to achieve self-rule on their local affairs, particularly over their ancestral domain.   The previous experiments on autonomous government have their specific contributions albeit maligned by the succeeding regimes.   The Marcos version that was crafted after the 1976 Tripoli Agreement, established two autonomous regional governments (Region IX and Region XII) covering ten provinces.  Autonomous Region IX was based in Zamboanga City and covered five provinces in Western Mindanao (Zamboanga del Sur, Zamboanga del Norte, Basilan, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi and all cities therein. On the other hand, Autonomous Region XII based in Cotabato City covered five provinces in Central Mindanao (Lanao del Sur, Lanao del Norte, Maguindanao, North Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat and all cities therein. In the post-Marcos era, and in accordance with the 1987 Constitution, the Corazon Aquino version established the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) under the RA 6734, covering four provinces: Maguindanao, Lanao del Sur, Sulu and Tawi Tawi). This version reduced the coverage of autonomy from 10 provinces and all cities therein to four provinces. The Ramos version after the 1996 Final Peace Agreement between the GRP (Government of the Republic of the Philippines) and MNLF (Moro National Liberation Front) established an economic and development approach to geography. Pres. Ramos established the Special Zone of Peace and Development (SZOPAD) covering all the areas specified in the 1976. Through government intense investments and public spending and with the help of foreign donor assistance, the new setup would augur the much-desired "reconstruction" and development.   The Ramos version also included the amendment of RA 6734 to give more power to ARMM and control of the natural resources. The revised Organic Law or RA 9054 failed to capture the gains of the 1996 Peace Agreement. There were 46 elements that were labeled as gaps between the 1996 Final Peace Agreement and the revised law. The negotiation between the GPH and MNLF resolved 43 of the 46 gaps. The remaining unresolved ones are (1) understanding of strategic minerals, (2) coverage of autonomy or geography, and (3) transitional mechanism to carry out the new consensus points. Now under another Aquino (the PNoy) administration, we shall have a completely new Organic Act, the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL).  The emerging new autonomous political entity or simply Bangsamoro would exercise MORE powers over the resources and their local affairs within the territory that would be covered by the BBL. The Congress of the Philippines would enact the Bangsamoro Basic Law that would, in time, supplant RA 9054.  Congress would be assisted by an all-Bangsamoro Transitional Commission that would draft the said Basic Law that would be certified by the President as ‘urgent bill’. The real bottom lines in all the attempts to self-rule are the well being of ALL the constituents, actual developments on the ground and responsible and transparent self-governance. The Philippine government and the MILF unanimously look at the ARMM as a ‘failed experiment’. They also say that a ‘status quo in the ARMM is unacceptable.’  The said negative appreciation flows from the ‘notoriety’ that is the ARMM. The thievery and the ghosts both in elections and the expenditure of allocated budget and development projects speak for themselves. The Internal Revenues Allocations or IRA of the LGUs has always appeared as personal "piggy banks" of politicians in the region.   Delivery of social services to the constituents is practically nil, particularly in basic education and primary health care. Poverty incidence and illiteracy rate, including the survival cohorts in basic education are the highest in the entire country. The whole region and its component units are almost completely dependents on the subsidy and allocations by the national government. Their revenue generations would not even cover a portion of the salaries of their employees. The worst is the theft and corruption behind the Department of Social Welfare and Development’s flagship program – Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program  or 4 Ps. The 4 Ps allocates a ‘pantawid’ of P1,400 a month for each registered poor.  Most of this fund simply goes to corruption. The public officials are not content of stealing their LGU’s IRA, they also steal from the poor.   So, when we speak of real bottom lines in any autonomous configuration – ARMM or Bangsamoro Government – the real measure would be CHANGE in the "unacceptable status quo." Real changes in the delivery of basic services, responsible and accountable governance both in the regional level and in its component local government units, and actual developments on the ground that generate employment and livelihood for all the inhabitants, particularly the poor, within its territory.