The mythology of People Power is alive and well

Ferdinand Marcos lies frozen in a tomb in Ilocos – a spectral reminder of the dark days of martial rule. And, while Madame may one day bury his body, the Filipino people are unlikely to bury his memory. We conjure the ghost of Marcos when we need to re-stage the public spectacle that overthrew him: People Power. Since Cory Aquino, media and civil society groups have compared every Philippine president to Marcos. When Fidel Ramos attempted to change the constitution (ostensibly to extend his term) in 1992, the Yellow Forces emerged from the woodwork to stop him. At a Luneta rally, Cory delivered a speech reminiscent of her speeches in 1986, sending a message to “those who want to stay in power, by martial law or Charter change: No way and never again. Do your worst, we will do our best to stop you. And we, the people, will prevail." A similar demonology rendered Erap the “dictator," allowing many Filipinos to once again perform the People Power narrative in EDSA Dos. Most recently, the heir to the People Power legacy became president amidst the threat of the “Marcosian" Gloria using extra-constitutional means to stay in power. People Power is more than a non-violent revolt; it is a mythology. As Conrado de Quiros notes, it is the story of “light vs. dark, right vs. wrong, good vs. evil." This is a powerful narrative. Moral absolutes allow for resonant and powerful stances: Gloria is bad, so the good Noynoy must replace her. If there’s something People Power mythology does well, it’s getting rid of evil. And, by God, Gloria, like Marcos, is evil. But there are dangers to moral absolutism. After all, fundamentalisms (from religious to ideological) are premised on absolute moral judgments. Unfortunately, the assuredness of People Power mythology is both its biggest strength and weakness. When we mythologize figures like Cory Aquino, we shield them from the criticism that public and historical figures must be subject to. Why, for example, did Yellow Forces direct so much vitriol at GMANews.TV for its 5-part series on Hacienda Luisita? What explains the fact that many middle-class groups and commentators rallied behind the Sumilao farmers (fighting a Marcos crony) and not the suffering workers of Luisita? The reasons are complex, but I’m sure one of them is the ability of People Power mythology to form a protective shield around its heroes. Similarly, when I tell my history classes that the Cory military killed 17 peasants during the Mendiola massacre, or that the deified president armed more violent vigilantes than Marcos (she called them agents of “people power"), I get looks of horror. It doesn’t matter that I preface these comments with a discussion of Cory’s importance as a symbol for democracy. When I criticize Cory, I feel like I’ve blasphemed. There is an irony in all this. Educated people complain about how the masa keep voting in celebrities, claiming these people are blind to policy issues and vote based on name recall. But when we reduce politics to a good/bad mythology, aren’t we being blind to specific policy issues as well? It seems to me that we need to recall what People Power originally was before the mythology kicked in. What really is this thing we call People Power? For me, People Power was a brief moment in Philippine history when the strictly policed class and regional boundaries of the Philippines collapsed. As such, if you want to feel People Power, do something in solidarity with the marginalized. Participate in an agrarian reform struggle, lobby for the fairer treatment of Mindanao, challenge powerful institutions like the Church when it denies poor people reproductive health. Do not be afraid of the word “activist". After all, we owe our democracy to activists, peasants, and workers who laid the foundation for the revolt at EDSA. People Power was never about the heroes of the myth; it has always been about the people. Which is why we call it People Power. By its very nature, People Power transcends any hero-centric mythology. The greatest legacy of the revolution is not the fact that it installed a new government with a heroic president at the helm. Rather, it is in the sense of popular empowerment that it instilled within our people. Since the revolution and the collapse of the dictatorship, the number of grassroots NGOs and People’s Organizations in the Philippine has grown exponentially. Filipinos rarely have things to brag about, but studying abroad has made me realize how vibrant our civil society is. A few months ago, I listened to a talk by acclaimed documentary filmmaker John Pilger, who, when asked where in the world he found hope, mentioned the Philippines. According to Pilger, while the center of our politics remains unchanged, its margins are extremely vibrant. If Noynoy Aquino wants to live up to his mandate as a People Power president, he must hold himself accountable to these margins. Like many, I am hopeful that he will not betray his mandate. But if he does, it will not be the end of People Power. For as long as there is injustice, poverty, and suffering in this country, the people will continue to struggle. For the true magic of People Power is that it outlives its symbols. Lisandro E. Claudio (“Leloy") is a PhD Candidate in the School of Historical Studies, the University of Melbourne, Australia. He is also a lecturer in the Department of History, Ateneo de Manila University. His doctoral thesis examines the legacies of the People Power Revolution.